Encyclopedia of 19th Century Thought presents crucial info on, and a severe interpretation of, nineteenth-century suggestion and nineteenth-century thinkers. The venture takes as its temporal boundary the interval 1789 to 1914. Encyclopedia of 19th Century Thought essentially covers social and political pondering, yet key entries additionally survey technological know-how, faith, legislation, paintings, ideas of modernity, the physique and healthiness, etc, and thereby have in mind all the key advancements within the highbrow historical past of the interval. The encyclopedia is alphabetically prepared, and is composed of:
* critical entries, divided into principles (4000 phrases) and folks (2500 words)
* subsidiary entries of one thousand phrases, that are fullyyt biographical
* informational entries of 500 phrases, that are additionally biographical.
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Among 1848 and 1852 he studied legislations; consequently he was once known as to the Bar yet by no means practised. among the summer time of 1851 and the summer time of 1852 the younger Walter (twenty-six now, indecisive approximately his destiny path and in some way depressed) spent a 12 months in Paris, a sojourn which labored wonders for his moods. in addition to looking at French existence and mores, he had the opportunity to witness the occasions linked to the coup d’état of President Louis Napoleon Bonaparte in December 1851. He used to be favourably disposed to the President’s motion (as he suggested in a letter: I want for the President decidedly myself as opposed to M. Thiers and his set within the Parliamentary global; …and additionally as opposed to the crimson celebration who, although no longer insincere, are too abstruse and theoretical for the obvious man…. i'm briefly what they'd name a reactionnaire, and that i imagine i'm with the majority—a fit behavior for a tender guy to agreement. (Bagehot 1956–86, XII:327) It was once from Paris that he despatched his infamous ‘Letters at the French Coup d’Etat’, a sequence of 7 letters to the Inquirer, a Unitarian paper (between 10 January and six March 1852). The provocative lightness of tone of those letters incurred loads of feedback; even his shut good friend Hutton admitted that ‘They have been mild and ethereal, or even flippant, on a truly nice topic’ (quoted in Varouxakis 2002:87). Bagehot’s major argument in those letters—to the horror and disgust of mainstream liberal opinion again in Britain— used to be that, to start with, Louis Napoleon’s coup d’état was once worthwhile and for that reason justified, as a way to finish the constitutional uncertainty and the paralysing worry of the comfy sessions approximately drawing close revolution; and, moment, that, in regards to the total and long term factor of the best constitutional cost for France, what the President presenting, a approach with a powerful Head of the administrative followed by means of a consultant physique with just a consultative function, with out legislative or veto powers, used to be perfect for France given the attributes of the French ‘national character’. The French have been ‘a useless, a risky, an ever altering race’, ‘a cellular, a shrewdpermanent, a flexible, an highbrow, a dogmatic nation’. as a result of those characteristics, French parliamentary assemblies have been continually absolute to be quarrelsome and divisive, as compromise was once anathema to the French brain (Varouxakis 2002:86–90). In articles-letters with titles reminiscent of ‘On the potential of the French personality for nationwide Self-Government’ (Bagehot 1965–85, IV:50–3, 54–62) he depicted those nationwide personality features, delivering a memorable comparability and distinction Encyclopedia of nineteenth-century inspiration forty among what he awarded because the ‘clever’-yet-unsuccessful French personality and the ‘stupid’-yet-successful English nationwide personality (Varouxakis 2002:119–22). He used to be, despite the fact that, to alter his brain in regards to the appropriateness of Louis Napoleon’s approach even for the ‘volatile’ French themselves, not to mention as a version for different countries, comparable to newly rising countries like Italy (even together with Britain, as a few have been arguing within the 1860s).